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the english language 英语语言
mr. chairman, adjudicators, ladies and gentlemen,
good afternoon.
the arrival of the year 1999 has brought with a near perfect opportunity to take a look back at the last one thousand years, assess man’s successes and failures, and look forward with our predictions of the third millennium.
already this afternoon you’ve heard many assessments and you’ve heard a variety of predictions. a variety so vast, ranging from lewis carol’s depiction of celebratory life, to the irish celebration of death. so vast a variety that it’s difficult to find any common ground amongst the contestants here today. perhaps the only thing that we all share is that we are indeed discussing millennia, the old and the new and the turn of the millennium, and we’re all discussing it in the same language.
a few hundred years ago to have held an event like this it would have been imperative that we were all fluent in a number of different tongues, for the approach of combating the language barrier was simply to learn many different languages. of course people back then had an ulterior motive: that was to ensure that different languages held their different societies or positions, or as king charles v of spain put it, " i speak spanish to god, italian to women, french to men and german to my horse."
today our approach is somewhat different. instead of trying to vastly spread our verbal ability across the board, we’ve chosen rather to focus it, concentrating on our ability to master one particular language, the english language. time magazine recently suggested that by the turn of the millennium, english will be the lingua franca for one quarter of the world’s population. already today si_ty percents of the world’s television and radio broadcasts are produced and delivered in english. seventy percents of the world’s mail addressed in english. and it is the language of choice for almost every bite of computer data sent across the globe.
but why english? there are no clear linguistic reasons for its suggested global dominance, certainly the grammar is complicated, the spelling peculiar and the pronunciation eccentric, to say the very least. one would need only look through the dictionary to find the vast list of amusing parado_es in the english language—quicksand that works slowly, a bo_ing ring that is in fact square and a guinea pig that’s really neither from guinea nor is it a pig. doesn’t it seem odd that one can make amends but not one amend. or go through the annals of history but not one annal. the reason, ladies and gentlemen, is simple. english is strange, but no where near as strange as some of our alternatives.
perhaps i should give you a few idiomatic e_amples. in english we say "once in a blue moon". the italian choose instead "every death of a pope". irish doesn’t like our "drop dead", replacing it rather with the slightly more obscure "you should lie in the earth." and if you wanted to tell someone off in spanish our relatively obvious "go fly a kite" would be better served by the phrase "go fry asparagus". english’s primary advantage is that of fle_ibility. on the one hand it has the largest vocabulary of all modern languages, allowing us, as its users, to say e_actly what we want in e_actly the words we choose to use. on the other, globalization has insured the introduction of a business english, a sort of trimmed down variety of the language we’ve all come to know and love.
it’s interesting to know that the simple list of just ten words, words like "a", "and", "have" and "the", combined to form one quarter of all those ever used in modern communication. perhaps the real test is: will the global adoption of english as a master language insure the eradication of any misunderstandings that happen today? the answer is not as simple. russell hoven once asked: "how many people speak the same language even when they speak the same language?" but one can only hope that our only aim and our only chance of insuring that we communicate effectively with each other is to make sure that we do speak one universal language. in a thousand years time western clocks will hopefully have ticked onto the year 2999 and we can be assured that scientists, academics and futurists will convene, much like we’ve done today to look back at the third millenium and offer their predictions for the successes of the forth.
it’s impossible to imagine what they might say, impossible to imagine what technology they’ll have available or even which planet they’ll hold the meeting on. in fact, quite possibly the only thing we can say for sure is that they’ll be discussing the issues in one common universal language. and that will be the language of the third millennium. and that language without any doubt looks set to be english. thank you.
全世界的通用语言--英语
主席先生,诸位评判员,女士们,先生们:
下午好。
1999年的到来给我们带来了一个回顾过去千年的好机会,评价人类的成与败,展望第三个千年的前景。
今天下午大家已经听到了许多评价和不同的展望。这些评价和展望是如此之多,从刘易斯-卡罗对幸福生活的描绘,到爱尔兰人的死亡庆典。这些评价和展望是如此之多,以致今天的比赛上很难发现任何相同之说。也许唯一的相同点就是我们的确在讨论千年期,新千年,旧千年以及新旧之交,而且我们都在用同一种语言对论。
几百年前,举办一次像这样的活动是十分麻烦的,我们得流利地说许多种不同的语言,因为克服语言障碍就是学习多种不同的语言。当然,那时候的人们有一个心照不宣的观念:不同的语言显示着社会地位,就如西班牙国王查尔斯五世说的:"我对上帝说西班牙语,对女人说意大利语,对男人说法语,对马儿说德语。"
今天我们的目的有些不一样。我们不用将学习精力分散于多种语言的学习上,而是集中在一种特别的语言——英语的掌握上。《时代》杂志最近说,在世纪之交,英语将会成为世界四分之一人口的通用语言。今天已经有60%的电视和广播在用英语制作和传输。70%的信件是用英语写的。英语还是全球传送的电脑资料的几乎每个字节所选择的语言。
但为什么是英语?对于它的全球化没有明确的语言学的原因。诚然它的语法是复杂的,拼写是独特的,发音是古怪的。就拿最基本的说,只要查一,你就能发现一大串逗人的似非而是的隽语——quicksand反而慢腾腾,bo_ing ring 原来是方的,guinea pig不是来自几内亚,也不是猪。一个人可以说 "make amends",但却不能说 "one amend",这不是很奇怪吗?你可以翻阅一本史册,但却不能把"一本史册"说成 "one annal"。其中的原因,女士们,先生们,是很简单的,英语够奇怪的了,但是对于另外一些说法就更奇怪了。
也许我该给大家举出几个成语例子。"千载难逢"用英语我们说"once in a blue moon" 。在意大利语中则成了"every death of a pope"。爱尔兰人不喜欢把"死亡"说成 "drop dead",而用 "you should lie in the earth"表达得更委婉。如果你想用西班牙语指责某人"放空头支票",那么最好是用 "go fry asparagus" ,而不是相对较直白地说 "go fly a kite"。英语最基本的优势在于它的灵活性。一方面,它有着所有现代语言中最丰富的词汇表,允许我们这些使用者能用最恰当的词汇恰如其分地表达出我们的所想。另一方面,全球化使得商业英语的介入成为必然,一种我们都将能懂得和喜爱的简化语言。
有意思的是,简单的十个词,如 "a", "and", "have" 和"the",组合起来就是能形成现代交际中所用的词汇的四分之一。也许真正的问题是,作为一种主要语言的英语的全球化真能消除今天的种种误解吗?答案并不是那么简单。拉塞尔·霍文曾问道:"即使是在说同一种语言,有多少人说的是相同的语言呢?"但有一点可以确定的是,确定我们相互之间能有效地沟通的唯一的目的和机会,就是我们在说同一种世界语。在一千年内,西方的时钟将滴答着走向2999年,我们也将肯定,科学家、学者和未来主义者将集合起来,就像我们今天所做的,回顾第三个一千年,并展望第四个一千年的辉煌成就。
他们将说些什么,将掌握什么样的科技,将在哪个星球上开会,是无法想象的。实际上 ,我们唯一敢肯定的事情是,他们将用一种共通的世界语讨论事务,这就是第三个一千年的语言。毫无疑问,这种语言即是英语。谢谢大家。
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the arrival of the year 1999 has brought with a near perfect opportunity to take a look back at the last one thousand years, assess man’s successes and failures, and look forward with our predictions of the third millennium.
already this afternoon you’ve heard many assessments and you’ve heard a variety of predictions. a variety so vast, ranging from lewis carol’s depiction of celebratory life, to the irish celebration of death. so vast a variety that it’s difficult to find any common ground amongst the contestants here today. perhaps the only thing that we all share is that we are indeed discussing millennia, the old and the new and the turn of the millennium, and we’re all discussing it in the same language.
a few hundred years ago to have held an event like this it would have been imperative that we were all fluent in a number of different tongues, for the approach of combating the language barrier was simply to learn many different languages. of course people back then had an ulterior motive: that was to ensure that different languages held their different societies or positions, or as king charles v of spain put it, " i speak spanish to god, italian to women, french to men and german to my horse."
today our approach is somewhat different. instead of trying to vastly spread our verbal ability across the board, we’ve chosen rather to focus it, concentrating on our ability to master one particular language, the english language. time magazine recently suggested that by the turn of the millennium, english will be the lingua franca for one quarter of the world’s population. already today si_ty percents of the world’s television and radio broadcasts are produced and delivered in english. seventy percents of the world’s mail addressed in english. and it is the language of choice for almost every bite of computer data sent across the globe.
but why english? there are no clear linguistic reasons for its suggested global dominance, certainly the grammar is complicated, the spelling peculiar and the pronunciation eccentric, to say the very least. one would need only look through the dictionary to find the vast list of amusing parado_es in the english language?quicksand that works slowly, a bo_ing ring that is in fact square and a guinea pig that’s really neither from guinea nor is it a pig. doesn’t it seem odd that one can make amends but not one amend. or go through the annals of history but not one annal. the reason, ladies and gentlemen, is simple. english is strange, but no where near as strange as some of our alternatives.
perhaps i should give you a few idiomatic e_amples. in english we say "once in a blue moon". the italian choose instead "every death of a pope". irish doesn’t like our "drop dead", replacing it rather with the slightly more obscure "you should lie in the earth." and if you wanted to tell someone off in spanish our relatively obvious "go fly a kite" would be better served by the phrase "go fry asparagus". english’s primary advantage is that of fle_ibility. on the one hand it has the largest vocabulary of all modern languages, allowing us, as its users, to say e_actly what we want in e_actly the words we choose to use. on the other, globalization has insured the introduction of a business english, a sort of trimmed down variety of the language we’ve all come to know and love.
it’s interesting to know that the simple list of just ten words, words like "a", "and", "have" and "the", combined to form one quarter of all those ever used in modern communication. perhaps the real test is: will the global adoption of english as a master language insure the eradication of any misunderstandings that happen today? the answer is not as simple. russell hoven once asked: "how many people speak the same language even when they speak the same language?" but one can only hope that our only aim and our only chance of insuring that we communicate effectively with each other is to make sure that we do speak one universal language. in a thousand years time western clocks will hopefully have ticked onto the year 2999 and we can be assured that scientists, academics and futurists will convene, much like we’ve done today to look back at the third millenium and offer their predictions for the successes of the forth.
it’s impossible to imagine what they might say, impossible to imagine what technology they’ll have available or even which planet they’ll hold the meeting on. in fact, quite possibly the only thing we can say for sure is that they’ll be discussing the issues in one common universal language. and that will be the language of the third millennium. and that language without any doubt looks set to be english. thank you.
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英语演讲稿:用肢体语言来塑造自己
so i want to start by offering you a free no-tech life hack, and all it requires of you is this: that you change your posture for two minutes. but before i give it away, i want to ask you to right now do a little audit of your body and what you"re doing with your body. so how many of you are sort of making yourselves smaller? maybe you"re hunching, crossing your legs, maybe wrapping your ankles. sometimes we hold onto our arms like this. sometimes we spread out. (laughter) i see you. (laughter) so i want you to pay attention to what you"re doing right now. we"re going to come back to that in a few minutes, and i"m hoping that if you learn to tweak this a little bit, it could significantly change the way your life unfolds.
so, we"re really fascinated with body language, and we"re particularly interested in other people"s body language. you know, we"re interested in, like, you know — (laughter) — an awkward interaction, or a smile, or a contemptuous glance, or maybe a very awkward wink, or maybe even something like a handshake.
narrator: here they are arriving at number 10, and look at this lucky policeman gets to shake hands with the president of the united states. oh, and here comes the prime minister of the — ? no. (laughter) (applause) (laughter) (applause)
amy cuddy: so a handshake, or the lack of a handshake, can have us talking for weeks and weeks and weeks. even the bbc and the new york times. so obviously when we think about nonverbal behavior, or body language -- but we call it nonverbals as social scientists -- it"s language, so we think about communication. when we think about communication, we think about interactions. so what is your body language communicating to me? what"s mine communicating to you?
and there"s a lot of reason to believe that this is a valid way to look at this. so social scientists have spent a lot of time looking at the effects of our body language, or other people"s body language, on judgments. and we make sweeping judgments and inferences from body language. and those judgments can predict really meaningful life outcomes like who we hire or promote, who we ask out on a date. for e_ample, nalini ambady, a researcher at tufts university, shows that when people watch 30-second soundless clips of real physician-patient interactions, their judgments of the physician"s niceness predict whether or not that physician will be sued. so it doesn"t have to do so much with whether or not that physician was incompetent, but do we like that person and how they interacted? even more dramatic, ale_ todorov at princeton has shown us that judgments of political candidates" faces in just one second predict 70 percent of u.s. senate and gubernatorial race outcomes, and even, let"s go digital, emoticons used well in online negotiations can lead to you claim more value from that negotiation. if you use them poorly, bad idea. right? so when we think of nonverbals, we think of how we judge others, how they judge us and what the outcomes are. we tend to forget, though, the other audience that"s influenced by our nonverbals, and that"s ourselves.
we are also influenced by our nonverbals, our thoughts and our feelings and our physiology. so what nonverbals am i talking about? i"m a social psychologist. i study prejudice, and i teach at a competitive business school, so it was inevitable that i would become interested in power dynamics. i became especially interested in nonverbal e_pressions of power and dominance.
and what are nonverbal e_pressions of power and dominance? well, this is what they are. so in the animal kingdom, they are about e_panding. so you make yourself big, you stretch out, you take up space, you"re basically opening up. it"s about opening up. and this is true across the animal kingdom. it"s not just limited to primates. and humans do the same thing. (laughter) so they do this both when they have power sort of chronically, and also when they"re feeling powerful in the moment. and this one is especially interesting because it really shows us how universal and old these e_pressions of power are. this e_pression, which is known as pride, jessica tracy has studied. she shows that people who are born with sight and people who are congenitally blind do this when they win at a physical competition. so when they cross the finish line and they"ve won, it doesn"t matter if they"ve never seen anyone do it. they do this. so the arms up in the v, the chin is slightly lifted. what do we do when we feel powerless? we do e_actly the opposite. we close up. we wrap ourselves up. we make ourselves small. we don"t want to bump into the person ne_t to us. so again, both animals and humans do the same thing. and this is what happens when you put together high and low power. so what we tend to do when it comes to power is that we complement the other"s nonverbals. so if someone is being really powerful with us, we tend to make ourselves smaller. we don"t mirror them. we do the opposite of them.
so i"m watching this behavior in the classroom, and what do i notice? i notice that mba students really e_hibit the full range of power nonverbals. so you have people who are like caricatures of alphas, really coming into the room, they get right into the middle of the room before class even starts, like they really want to occupy space. when they sit down, they"re sort of spread out. they raise their hands like this. you have other people who are virtually collapsing when they come in. as soon they come in, you see it. you see it on their faces and their bodies, and they sit in their chair and they make themselves tiny, and they go like this when they raise their hand. i notice a couple of things about this. one, you"re not going to be surprised. it seems to be related to gender. so women are much more likely to do this kind of thing than men. women feel chronically less powerful than men, so this is not surprising. but the other thing i noticed is that it also seemed to be related to the e_tent to which the students were participating, and how well they were participating. and this is really important in the mba classroom, because participation counts for half the grade.
so business schools have been struggling with this gender grade gap. you get these equally qualified women and men coming in and then you get these differences in grades, and it seems to be partly attributable to participation. so i started to wonder, you know, okay, so you have these people coming in like this, and they"re participating. is it possible that we could get people to fake it and would it lead them to participate more?
so my main collaborator dana carney, who"s at berkeley, and i really wanted to know, can you fake it till you make it? like, can you do this just for a little while and actually e_perience a behavioral outcome that makes you seem more powerful? so we know that our nonverbals govern how other people think and feel about us. there"s a lot of evidence. but our question really was, do our nonverbals govern how we think and feel about ourselves?
there"s some evidence that they do. so, for e_ample, we smile when we feel happy, but also, when we"re forced to smile by holding a pen in our teeth like this, it makes us feel happy. so it goes both ways. when it comes to power, it also goes both ways. so when you feel powerful, you"re more likely to do this, but it"s also possible that when you pretend to be powerful, you are more likely to actually feel powerful.
so the second question really was, you know, so we know that our minds change our bodies, but is it also true that our bodies change our minds? and when i say minds, in the case of the powerful, what am i talking about? so i"m talking about thoughts and feelings and the sort of physiological things that make up our thoughts and feelings, and in my case, that"s hormones. i look at hormones. so what do the minds of the powerful versus the powerless look like? so powerful people tend to be, not surprisingly, more assertive and more confident, more optimistic. they actually feel that they"re going to win even at games of chance. they also tend to be able to think more abstractly. so there are a lot of differences. they take more risks. there are a lot of differences between powerful and powerless people. physiologically, there also are differences on two key hormones: testosterone, which is the dominance hormone, and cortisol, which is the stress hormone. so what we find is that high-power alpha males in primate hierarchies have high testosterone and low cortisol, and powerful and effective leaders also have high testosterone and low cortisol. so what does that mean? when you think about power, people tended to think only about testosterone, because that was about dominance. but really, power is also about how you react to stress. so do you want the high-power leader that"s dominant, high on testosterone, but really stress reactive? probably not, right? you want the person who"s powerful and assertive and dominant, but not very stress reactive, the person who"s laid back.
so we know that in primate hierarchies, if an alpha needs to take over, if an individual needs to take over an alpha role sort of suddenly, within a few days, that individual"s testosterone has gone up significantly and his cortisol has dropped significantly. so we have this evidence, both that the body can shape the mind, at least at the facial level, and also that role changes can shape the mind. so what happens, okay, you take a role change, what happens if you do that at a really minimal level, like this tiny manipulation, this tiny intervention? "for two minutes," you say, "i want you to stand like this, and it"s going to make you feel more powerful."
so this is what we did. we decided to bring people into the lab and run a little e_periment, and these people adopted, for two minutes, either high-power poses or low-power poses, and i"m just going to show you five of the poses, although they took on only two. so here"s one. a couple more. this one has been dubbed the "wonder woman" by the media. here are a couple more. so you can be standing or you can be sitting. and here are the low-power poses. so you"re folding up, you"re making yourself small. this one is very low-power. when you"re touching your neck, you"re really protecting yourself. so this is what happens. they come in, they spit into a vial, we for two minutes say, "you need to do this or this." they don"t look at pictures of the poses. we don"t want to prime them with a concept of power. we want them to be feeling power, right? so two minutes they do this. we then ask them, "how powerful do you feel?" on a series of items, and then we give them an opportunity to gamble, and then we take another saliva sample. that"s it. that"s the whole e_periment.
so this is what we find. risk tolerance, which is the gambling, what we find is that when you"re in the high-power pose condition, 86 percent of you will gamble. when you"re in the low-power pose condition, only 60 percent, and that"s a pretty whopping significant difference. here"s what we find on testosterone. from their baseline when they come in, high-power people e_perience about a 20-percent increase, and low-power people e_perience about a 10-percent decrease. so again, two minutes, and you get these changes. here"s what you get on cortisol. high-power people e_perience about a 25-percent decrease, and the low-power people e_perience about a 15-percent increase. so two minutes lead to these hormonal changes that configure your brain to basically be either assertive, confident and comfortable, or really stress-reactive, and, you know, feeling sort of shut down. and we"ve all had the feeling, right? so it seems that our nonverbals do govern how we think and feel about ourselves, so it"s not just others, but it"s also ourselves. also, our bodies change our minds.
but the ne_t question, of course, is can power posing for a few minutes really change your life in meaningful ways? so this is in the lab. it"s this little task, you know, it"s just a couple of minutes. where can you actually apply this? which we cared about, of course. and so we think it"s really, what matters, i mean, where you want to use this is evaluative situations like social threat situations. where are you being evaluated, either by your friends? like for teenagers it"s at the lunchroom table. it could be, you know, for some people it"s speaking at a school board meeting. it might be giving a pitch or giving a talk like this or doing a job interview. we decided that the one that most people could relate to because most people had been through was the job interview.
so we published these findings, and the media are all over it, and they say, okay, so this is what you do when you go in for the job interview, right? (laughter) you know, so we were of course horrified, and said, oh my god, no, no, no, that"s not what we meant at all. for numerous reasons, no, no, no, don"t do that. again, this is not about you talking to other people. it"s you talking to yourself. what do you do before you go into a job interview? you do this. right? you"re sitting down. you"re looking at your iphone -- or your android, not trying to leave anyone out. you are, you know, you"re looking at your notes, you"re hunching up, making yourself small, when really what you should be doing maybe is this, like, in the bathroom, right? do that. find two minutes. so that"s what we want to test. okay? so we bring people into a lab, and they do either high- or low-power poses again, they go through a very stressful job interview. it"s five minutes long. they are being recorded. they"re being judged also, and the judges are trained to give no nonverbal feedback, so they look like this. like, imagine this is the person interviewing you. so for five minutes, nothing, and this is worse than being heckled. people hate this. it"s what marianne lafrance calls "standing in social quicksand." so this really spikes your cortisol. so this is the job interview we put them through, because we really wanted to see what happened. we then have these coders look at these tapes, four of them. they"re blind to the hypothesis. they"re blind to the conditions. they have no idea who"s been posing in what pose, and they end up looking at these sets of tapes, and they say, "oh, we want to hire these people," -- all the high-power posers -- "we don"t want to hire these people. we also evaluate these people much more positively overall." but what"s driving it? it"s not about the content of the speech. it"s about the presence that they"re bringing to the speech. we also, because we rate them on all these variables related to competence, like, how well-structured is the speech? how good is it? what are their qualifications? no effect on those things. this is what"s affected. these kinds of things. people are bringing their true selves, basically. they"re bringing themselves. they bring their ideas, but as themselves, with no, you know, residue over them. so this is what"s driving the effect, or mediating the effect.
so when i tell people about this, that our bodies change our minds and our minds can change our behavior, and our behavior can change our outcomes, they say to me, "i don"t -- it feels fake." right? so i said, fake it till you make it. i don"t -- it"s not me. i don"t want to get there and then still feel like a fraud. i don"t want to feel like an impostor. i don"t want to get there only to feel like i"m not supposed to be here. and that really resonated with me, because i want to tell you a little story about being an impostor and feeling like i"m not supposed to be here.
when i was 19, i was in a really bad car accident. i was thrown out of a car, rolled several times. i was thrown from the car. and i woke up in a head injury rehab ward, and i had been withdrawn from college, and i learned that my i.q. had dropped by two standard deviations, which was very traumatic. i knew my i.q. because i had identified with being smart, and i had been called gifted as a child. so i"m taken out of college, i keep trying to go back. they say, "you"re not going to finish college. just, you know, there are other things for you to do, but that"s not going to work out for you." so i really struggled with this, and i have to say, having your identity taken from you, your core identity, and for me it was being smart, having that taken from you, there"s nothing that leaves you feeling more powerless than that. so i felt entirely powerless. i worked and worked and worked, and i got lucky, and worked, and got lucky, and worked.
eventually i graduated from college. it took me four years longer than my peers, and i convinced someone, my angel advisor, susan fiske, to take me on, and so i ended up at princeton, and i was like, i am not supposed to be here. i am an impostor. and the night before my first-year talk, and the first-year talk at princeton is a 20-minute talk to 20 people. that"s it. i was so afraid of being found out the ne_t day that i called her and said, "i"m quitting." she was like, "you are not quitting, because i took a gamble on you, and you"re staying. you"re going to stay, and this is what you"re going to do. you are going to fake it. you"re going to do every talk that you ever get asked to do. you"re just going to do it and do it and do it, even if you"re terrified and just paralyzed and having an out-of-body e_perience, until you have this moment where you say, "oh my gosh, i"m doing it. like, i have become this. i am actually doing this."" so that"s what i did. five years in grad school, a few years, you know, i"m at northwestern, i moved to harvard, i"m at harvard, i"m not really thinking about it anymore, but for a long time i had been thinking, "not supposed to be here. not supposed to be here."
so at the end of my first year at harvard, a student who had not talked in class the entire semester, who i had said, "look, you"ve gotta participate or else you"re going to fail," came into my office. i really didn"t know her at all. and she said, she came in totally defeated, and she said, "i"m not supposed to be here." and that was the moment for me. because two things happened. one was that i realized, oh my gosh, i don"t feel like that anymore. you know. i don"t feel that anymore, but she does, and i get that feeling. and the second was, she is supposed to be here! like, she can fake it, she can become it. so i was like, "yes, you are! you are supposed to be here! and tomorrow you"re going to fake it, you"re going to make yourself powerful, and, you know, you"re gonna — " (applause) (applause) "and you"re going to go into the classroom, and you are going to give the best comment ever." you know? and she gave the best comment ever, and people turned around and they were like, oh my god, i didn"t even notice her sitting there, you know? (laughter)
she comes back to me months later, and i realized that she had not just faked it till she made it, she had actually faked it till she became it. so she had changed. and so i want to say to you, don"t fake it till you make it. fake it till you become it. you know? it"s not — do it enough until you actually become it and internalize.
the last thing i"m going to leave you with is this. tiny tweaks can lead to big changes. so this is two minutes. two minutes, two minutes, two minutes. before you go into the ne_t stressful evaluative situation, for two minutes, try doing this, in the elevator, in a bathroom stall, at your desk behind closed doors. that"s what you want to do. configure your brain to cope the best in that situation. get your testosterone up. get your cortisol down. don"t leave that situation feeling like, oh, i didn"t show them who i am. leave that situation feeling like, oh, i really feel like i got to say who i am and show who i am.
so i want to ask you first, you know, both to try power posing, and also i want to ask you to share the science, because this is simple. i don"t have ego involved in this. (laughter) give it away. share it with people, because the people who can use it the most are the ones with no resources and no technology and no status and no power. give it to them because they can do it in private. they need their bodies, privacy and two minutes, and it can significantly change the outcomes of their life. thank you. (applause) (applause
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| 中英文演讲稿 |
so, i"ll be speaking to you using language... because i can. this is one these magical abilities that we humans have. we can transmit really complicated thoughts to one another. so what i"m doing right now is, i"m making sounds with my mouth as i"m e_haling.
我们通过语言交流,因为我可以说话。这是我们人类拥有的一种神奇能力,我们可以互相传递非常复杂的思想。我现在正在做的是,一边呼气,一边用我的嘴巴发出声音。
i"m making tones and hisses and puffs, and those are creating air vibrations in the air. those air vibrations are traveling to you, they"re hitting your eardrums, and then your brain takes those vibrations from your eardrums and transforms them into thoughts. i hope.
我在发出各种语调、嘶嘶声、呼气,而这些引起周边的空气振动。这些空气振动传到你那里,它们到达你的耳鼓,然后你的大脑会将你耳鼓接收到的振动转化成思想。至少我希望是这样的。
i hope that"s happening. so because of this ability, we humans are able to transmit our ideas across vast reaches of space and time. we"re able to transmit knowledge across minds. i can put a bizarre new idea in your mind right now. i could say, "imagine a jellyfish waltzing in a library while thinking about quantum mechanics."
我希望如此。正是因为这种能力,人类能够将我们的思想跨越时间和空间,传递下去我们能够将知识互相传递。比如,我现在就可以给你传递一个奇怪的想法。我可以说,"想象一只水母在一个图书馆里一边跳着华尔兹,一边思考着量子力学。"
now, if everything has gone relatively well in your life so far, you probably haven"t had that thought before.
当然如果大家的生活到目前为止都还比较顺利的话,你之前应该没有这样想过。
but now i"ve just made you think it, through language.
而我现在让你们有了这个想法,正是通过语言做到的。
now of course, there isn"t just one language in the world, there are about 7,000 languages spoken around the world. and all the languages differ from one another in all kinds of ways. some languages have different sounds, they have different vocabularies, and they also have different structures -- very importantly, different structures.
当然,世界上不是只有一种语言,全球有大约7000种语言。这些语言有着各式各样的区别。有些语言有不同的发音,不同的词汇,还有不同的结构——不同的结构很重要。
that begs the question: does the language we speak shape the way we think? now, this is an ancient question. people have been speculating about this question forever. charlemagne, holy roman emperor, said, "to have a second language is to have a second soul" -- strong statement that language crafts reality. but on the other hand, shakespeare has juliet say, "what"s in a name? a rose by any other name would smell as sweet." well, that suggests that maybe language doesn"t craft reality.
于是,我们会问:我们说的语言是否塑造了我们的思维方式?这其实是个很古老的问题。人们一直以来都在思考这个问题。神圣罗马帝国的查理曼大帝曾说,"学会了第二种语言就拥有了第二个灵魂"——这是相信语言会创造现实。但另一方面,莎士比亚笔下的朱丽叶又说,"名字本来没有意义,一朵玫瑰花换个名字也照样芬芳。"这就指也许语言不能创造现实。
these arguments have gone back and forth for thousands of years. but until recently, there hasn"t been any data to help us decide either way. recently, in my lab and other labs around the world, we"ve started doing research, and now we have actual scientific data to weigh in on this question.
这些争论已经持续了几千年。但一直以来,都没有任何数据能够帮助我们确定孰是孰非。最近,在我的实验室和全球其它一些实验室,我们开始做研究,现在我们有真实的科学数据,可以帮助回答这个问题。
so let me tell you about some of my favorite e_amples. i"ll start with an e_ample from an aboriginal community in australia that i had the chance to work with. these are the kuuk thaayorre people. they live in pormpuraaw at the very west edge of cape york. what"s coolabout kuuk thaayorre is, in kuuk thaayorre, they don"t use words like"left" and "right," and instead, everything is in cardinal directions: north, south, east and west.
让我给大家举一些我喜欢的例子。先从澳大利亚的一个土著社群开始,我有机会跟他们接触过。他们是kuukthaayorre人,他们住在约克角城最西边的pormpuraaw。kuukthaayorre人有意思的一点是,在这个土著文化里面,他们没有"左"和"右"这样的词,所有的东西都是通过基本方向来表达的:东南西北。
and when i say everything, i really mean everything. you would say something like, "oh, there"s an ant on your southwest leg." or, "move your cup to the north-northeast a little bit." in fact, the way that you say "hello" in kuuk thaayorre is you say, "which way are you going?" and the answer should be,"north-northeast in the far distance. how about you?"
是的,我说的是"所有的东西"。比如,你可以说:"哦,你西南方的那条腿上有一只蚂蚁",或者"把你的杯子往东北偏北边移一下。"事实上,他们打招呼的方式也是:"你往哪里去?"而回答会是:"远处东北偏北处,你呢?"
so imagine as you"re walking around your day, every person you greet, you have to report your heading direction.
想象一下,你走在路上,你遇见每一个人都要报告一下你朝什么方向前进。
but that would actually get you oriented pretty fast, right? because you literally couldn"t get past "hello," if you didn"t know which way you were going. in fact, people who speak languages like this stay oriented really well. they stay oriented better than we used to think humans could.
但这会让你很快获得方向感,不是吗?因为如果你不知道你前行的方向的话,你连打招呼都没法进行。事实上,说这类语言的人他们的方向感非常好,远比我们以为人类可以做到的要好。
we used to think that humans were worse than other creatures because of some biological e_cuse: "oh, we don"t have magnets in our beaks or in our scales." no; if your language and your culture trains you to do it, actually, you can do it. there are humans around the world who stay oriented really well.
我们曾经以为人类的方向感要比其他生物差,而我们也找了生物原因方面的借口:"哦,我们没有可以感测磁场的鸟嘴或鱼鳞"。事实并非如此。如果你的语言和文化给了你这方面的训练,你是可以做到的。世界上有些人的方向感就非常好。
and just to get us in agreement about how different this is from the way we do it, i want you all to close your eyes fora second and point southeast.
为了确保我们大家都同意在这点上我们的思维方式有多大差异,请大家闭上眼睛,然后指向东南方。
keep your eyes closed. point. ok, so you can open your eyes. i see you guys pointing there, there, there, there, there... i don"t know which way it is myself --you have not been a lot of help.
先不要睁开眼睛,请指向东南方。现在,你们可以睁开眼睛了。我看到你们有指向那儿、那儿、那儿、那儿的……我自己也不知道哪边是东南方,你们也没能帮到我。
so let"s just say the accuracy in this room was not very high. this is a big difference in cognitive ability across languages, right? where one group -- very distinguished group like you guys --doesn"t know which way is which, but in another group, i could ask a five-year-old and they would know.
暂且就说,在座的大家在这个问题上的准确度不是很高。这就是不同语言之间的认知能力的巨大差异,一群像在座的各位一样非常优秀的人分不清哪里是哪里,而如果换做另一群人,一个5岁的孩子也知道答案。
there are also really big differences in how people think about time. so here i have pictures of my grandfather at different ages. and if i ask an english speaker to organize time, they might lay it out this way, from left to right. this has to do with writing direction. if you were a speaker of hebrew or arabic, you might do it going in the opposite direction, from right to left.
人们思考时间的方式也非常不同。这里是几张我的祖父在不同年龄段的照片。如果我让一个英语使用者将它们按时间进行排列,他们可以会这样排,从左到右。这跟写字的方向有关。如果你说的是希伯来语或阿拉伯语,你则可能会以相反的方向排列,从右到左。
but how would the kuuk thaayorre, this aboriginal group i just told you about, do it? they don"t use words like"left" and "right." let me give you hint. when we sat people facing south, they organized time from left to right. when we sat them facing north, they organized time from right to left. when we sat them facing east, time came towards the body.
那kuukthaayorre人——我刚才提到的土著民会怎么排呢?他们没有"左"和"右"的概念。我来提示一下大家。当我们让他们面朝南方的时候,他们将时间顺序从左向右排;当面朝北方的时候,他们将时间顺序从右到左排;当他们面朝东方的时候,他们将时间从远到近排。
what"s the pattern? east to west, right? so for them, time doesn"t actually get locked on the body at all, it gets locked on the landscape. so for me, if i"m facing this way, then time goes this way, and if i"m facing this way, then time goes this way. i"m facing this way, time goes this way -- very egocentric of me to have the direction of time chase me around every time i turn my body. for the kuuk thaayorre, time is locked on the landscape. it"s a dramatically different way of thinking about time.
发现规律了么?从东到西,对吗?因此对他们来说,时间跟身体的方向无关,而是跟地理有关。对我来说,如果我面向这边,时间就是这样走的;如果我面向这边,时间就是这样走的;如果我面向这边,时间就是这样走的——完全以我为中心,我每次一转身,时间也要跟着我改变方向。对kuukthaayorre人来说,时间是跟地理有关的。这是一种思考时间的截然不同的方式。
here"s another really smart human trick. suppose i ask you how many penguins are there. well, i bet i know how you"d solve that problem if you solved it. you went, "one, two, three, four,five, si_, seven, eight." you counted them. you named each one with a number, and the last number you said was the number of penguins. this is a little trick that you"re taught to use as kids. you learn the number list and you learn how to apply it. a little linguistic trick.
再给大家说一个人类的聪明之处。假设我问你,这里有多少只企鹅,我敢说我知道你会怎么解决这个问题。你会"一二三四五六七八"地数过去。你让每一只企鹅对应一个数字,你念出的最后一个数字就是企鹅的总数。这是你小时候就学会了的技巧,你学会了数数,你也学会了怎么用它。这是一种语言学的技巧。
well, some languages don"t do this, because some languages don"t have e_act number words. they"re languages that don"t have a word like "seven" or a word like"eight." in fact, people who speak these languages don"t count, and they have trouble keeping track of e_act quantities. so, for e_ample, if i ask you to match this number of penguins to the same number of ducks, you would be able to do that by counting. but folks who don"t have that linguistic trick can"t do that.
但有些语言不是这样的,因为有些语言没有精确的数字词汇。有一些语言是没有比如"七"或者"八"之类的数字的。事实上,对那些使用没有数字的语言的人来说,他们不会数数,计算精确的数量对他们来说是很难的。比如,如果我让你把这么多的企鹅跟同一数量的鸭子匹配起来,你数一下就可以做到了。但对那些没有这一语言特征的人来说却无法做到。
languages also differ in how they divide up the color spectrum -- the visual world. some languages have lots of words for colors, some have only a couple words, "light" and "dark." and languages differ in where they put boundaries between colors. so, for e_ample, in english, there"s a word for blue that covers all of the colors that you can see on the screen, but in russian, there isn"t a single word.
语言的差异还体现在我们如何分辨颜色,那些视觉的东西。有些语言有很多的颜色词汇,有的则很少,就只有"浅色"和"深色"。这些语言差异体现在不同颜色之间的界限在哪里。比如,在英语里面,我们有蓝色这个词,它包含了你在屏幕上看到的所有颜色。但是在俄语里面,却没有这样的一个词。
in stead, russian speakers have to differentiate between light blue, "goluboy,"and dark blue, "siniy." so russians have this lifetime of e_perience of, in language, distinguishing these two colors. when we test people"s ability to perceptually discriminate these colors, what we find is that russian speakers are faster across this linguistic boundary. they"re faster to be able to tell the difference between a light and dark blue.
相反,俄语使用者要把浅蓝色"goluboy"和深蓝色"siniy"区别开来。所以俄语使用者一生都会在语言上区别这两种颜色。当我们测试人们辨别这些颜色的能力的时候,我们发现俄语使用者能够更快地进行这种概念切换,他们能够更快地分辨浅蓝色和深蓝色。
and when you look at people"s brains as they"re looking at colors -- say you have colors shifting slowly from light to dark blue -- the brains of people who use different words for light and dark blue will give a surprised reaction as the colors shift from light to dark, as if, "ooh, something has categorically changed," whereas the brains of english speakers, for e_ample, that don"t make this categorical distinction, don"t give that surprise, because nothing is categorically changing.
当你观察人们在看这些颜色的大脑时,假设你给他们看从浅蓝色到深蓝色的渐变,那些用不同词形容"浅蓝"和"深蓝"的人的大脑会在颜色从浅到深的转换时表现出惊讶,仿佛"哦,某些事情发生了根本的变化",而不做这种分辨的英语使用者的大脑则不会表现出惊讶,因为没发生什么根本的变化。
languages have all kinds of structural quirks. this is one of my favorites. lots of languages have grammatical gender; every noun gets assigned a gender, often masculine or feminine. and these genders differ across languages. so, for e_ample, the sun is feminine in german but masculine in spanish, and the moon, the reverse. could this actually have any consequence for how people think?
语言还有各种各样的结构特征。这个是我最喜欢的。很多语言都有语法上的词性,每个名词都有一个指定的词性,通常是阳性或阴性。这些词性在不同语言中有所不同。比如,太阳在德语中是阴性的,在西班牙语中则是阳性的,月亮则相反。那这会不会影响人们的思考方式呢?
do german speakers think of the sun as some how more female-like, and the moon somehow more male-like? actually, it turns out that"s the case. so if you ask german and spanish speakers to, say, describe a bridge, like the one here -- "bridge" happens to be grammatically feminine in german, grammatically masculine in spanish -- german speakers are more likely to say bridges are "beautiful," "elegant"and stereotypically feminine words. whereas spanish speakers will be more likely to say they"re "strong" or "long," these masculine words.
德语使用者会觉得太阳更女性化,而月亮更男性化吗?事实的确如此。如果你让德语使用者和西班牙语使用者描述一座桥,就像这一座,"桥"在德语中是阴性的,在西班牙语中则是阳性的。德语使用者更倾向于说桥"美丽"或"优雅"以及其他很女性化的词,而西班牙语使用者则倾向于说桥"强壮"或"绵长",那些更男性化的词。
languages also differ in how they describe events, right? you take an event like this, an accident. in english, it"s fine to say, "he broke the vase." in a language like spanish, you might be more likely to say, "the vase broke," or, "the vase broke itself." if it"s an accident, you wouldn"t say that someone did it.
语言的差异还体现在它们对事件的描述上。以这件事为例,一个意外。在英语里面,你可以说"他打碎了花瓶"。在西班牙语里面,你更可能会说"花瓶碎了",或者"花瓶自己碎了"。如果这是一个意外,你不会说是谁打碎的。
in english, quite weirdly, we can even say things like, "i broke my arm." now, in lots of languages, you couldn"t use that construction unless you are a lunatic and you went out looking to break your arm -- (laughter) and you succeeded. if it was an accident, you would use a different construction.
在英语里面,很奇怪的是,我们甚至会说,"我弄伤了我的手臂"。在很多语言里面,你完全不会这样说,除非你是一个疯子,你试图弄伤自己的手臂,而且还成功了。如果它是一场意外,你会使用不一样的语言结构。
now, this has consequences. so, people who speak different languages will pay attention to different things, depending on what their language usually requires them to do. so we show the same accident to english speakers and spanish speakers, english speakers will remember who did it, because english requires you to say, "he did it; he broke the vase." whereas spanish speakers might be less likely to remember who did it if it"s an accident, but they"re more likely to remember that it was an accident. they"re more likely to remember the intention.
这会造成不同的结果。使用不同语言的人关注的点会不一样,这取决于他们的语言是怎么要求的。如果我们让英语使用者和西班牙语使用者看同样的意外事件,英语使用者会记得这件事是谁干的,因为英语需要你说"是他做的,他打碎了花瓶";而西班牙语使用者则不太可能会记得是谁干的——如果这是一个意外事件的话,他们更可能会记得这是一个意外,他们更可能记得意图。
so, two people watch the same event, witness the same crime, but end up remembering different things about that event. this has implications, of course, for eyewitness testimony. it also has implications for blame and punishment. so if you take english speakers and i just show you someone breaking a vase, and i say, "he broke the vase," as opposed to "the vase broke," even though you can witness it yourself, you can watch the video, you can watch the crime against the vase, you will punish someone more, you will blame someone more if i just said, "he broke it," as opposed to, "it broke." the language guides our reasoning about events.
所以两个人看同样的事件,目睹同样的罪行,但记得的却不一定一样。在目击证词方面,这是值得深思的,这对责备和惩罚也有影响。如果我给英语使用者看一个人不小心打碎花瓶,然后我说"他打碎了花瓶",而不是说"花瓶碎了",即使你自己亲眼看到了事件的经过,你看了那段视频,你可以看到花瓶的"罪行",但是你却会更倾向于惩罚、责备那个人——仅仅因为我说"他打碎了花瓶",而不是"花瓶碎了"。语言会引导我们对事件的认知。
now, i"ve given you a few e_amples of how language can profoundly shape the way we think, and it does so in a variety of ways. so language can have big effects, like we saw with space and time, where people can lay out space and time in completely different coordinate frames from each other.
那我给了大家几个语言如何影响我们思考的例子,它主要通过几个方式。语言可以造成大的影响,我们举了时间和空间的例子,人们对时间和空间的排列可以迥然不同。
language can also have really deep effects -- that"s what we saw with the case of number. having count words in your language, having number words, opens up the whole world of mathematics. of course, if you don"t count, you can"t do algebra, you can"t do any of the things that would be required to build a room like this or make this broadcast, right? this little trick of number words gives you a stepping stone into a whole cognitive realm.
语言还可以有很深的影响,我们举了数字的例子。如果你的语言里有数量词,有数字,这会开启一个全新的数学世界。如果你不能数数,你自然也不会代数学,你将不能做任何需要数学的事情,像建一个这样的演讲厅,或进行转播,对吧?小小的数字给我们提供了踏进一整个认知领域的垫脚石。
language can also have really early effects, what we saw in the case of color. these are really simple, basic, perceptual decisions. we make thousands of them all the time, and yet, language is getting in there and fussing even with these tiny little perceptual decisions that we make. language can have really broad effects. so the case of grammatical gender may be a little silly, but at the same time, grammatical gender applies to all nouns. that means language can shape how you"re thinking about anything that can be named by a noun. that"s a lot of stuff.
语言的影响还可能很早就发生,我们举了颜色的例子。这是非常简单、基本、感知型的决定,我们无时无刻不在做这样的决定,而语言就在那里影响着我们做的这些小小的决定。语言可以有很广阔的影响,我们举了语法上的词性的例子看似微不足道,但它却适用于所有名词。这意味着语言可以影响你如何思考所有能用名词表达的东西。那可是很多东西。
and finally, i gave you an e_ample of how language can shape things that have personal weight to us -- ideas like blame and punishment or eyewitness memory. these are important things in our daily lives.
最后,我举了一个语言可以如何影响跟我们切身相关的事件的例子,如责备、惩罚和目击证词。这些是我们的日常生活中非常重要的方面。
now, the beauty of linguistic diversity is that it reveals to us just how ingenious and how fle_ible the human mind is. human minds have invented not one cognitive universe, but 7,000 -- there are 7,000 languages spoken around the world. and we can create many more --languages, of course, are living things, things that we can hone and change to suit our needs. the tragic thing is that we"re losing so much of this linguistic diversity all the time. we"re losing about one language a week, and by some estimates, half of the world"s languages will be gone in the ne_t hundred years.
语言多样性的美丽在于它向我们揭示了人类的大脑是多么巧妙和灵活。人类大脑创造的不是一个认知体系,而是7000个,世界上有7000种语言。而我们还可以创造更多。语言是有生命的,是我们可以打磨和改变以满足我们需求的东西。不幸的是,这种语言多样性正在不断丧失。大概平均每个星期就有一种语言消失,据估计,在接下来的120__年里世界上一半的语言将会消失。
and the even worse news is that right now, almost everything we know about the human mind and human brain is based on studies of usually american english-speaking undergraduates at universities. that e_cludes almost all humans. right? so what we know about the human mind is actually incredibly narrow and biased, and our science has to do better.
更糟糕的是,现在几乎我们所知道的所有关于人类大脑和思维的东西都是基于大学中说美式英语的学生的研究。这就几乎排除了所有人类,不是吗?所以其实我们对人类思维的了解是非常狭隘和具有偏见的,而我们的科学应该做得更好。
i want to leave you with this final thought. i"ve told you about how speakers of different languages think differently, but of course, that"s not about how people elsewhere think. it"s about how you think. it"s how the language that you speak shapes the way that you think. and that gives you the opportunity to ask, "why do i think the way that i do?" "how could i think differently?" and also," what thoughts do i wish to create?"
最后,我想再让大家思考一个问题。我已经讲了不同语言的使用者思考的不同方式,当然,这不是是关于其他地方的人怎么思考,而是关于你怎么思考,关于你说的语言如何影响了你的思维方式。大家可以问问自己:"我为什么是这样思考问题的?""我能换种方式思考吗?"还有,"我想创造什么样的想法?"
thank you very much.(applause)
非常感谢。(鼓掌)
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中英对照翻译
so, i"ll be speaking to you using language ... because i can. this is one these magical abilities that we humans have. we can transmit really complicated thoughts to one another.
我要用语言跟各位说话…… 因为我可以。 这是人类的神奇能力之一。 我们能把非常复杂的 想法传送给另一个人。
so what i"m doing right now is, i"m making sounds with my mouth as i"m e_haling. i"m making tones and hisses and puffs, and those are creating air vibrations in the air.
我现在在做的, 是用我的嘴巴发出声音, 吐气时发声。 我会做出语调、嘶嘶声、呼气, 在空气中产生空气振动。
those air vibrations are traveling to you, they"re hitting your eardrums, and then your brain takes those vibrations from your eardrums and transforms them into thoughts. i hope.
那些空气振动会传到你那里, 触及到你的耳膜, 接着你的大脑会取得 耳膜接收到的振动, 把它们转换为思想。 我希望啦。
i hope that"s happening. so because of this ability, we humans are able to transmit our ideas across vast reaches of space and time. we"re able to transmit knowledge across minds.
希望现在就在发生。 因为这种能力,我们人类 才得以把我们的想法 跨越空间和时间,传给别人。 我们能把知识传送到不同人的大脑。
i can put a bizarre new idea in your mind right now. i could say, "imagine a jellyfish waltzing in a library while thinking about quantum mechanics."
我现在就能在各位的脑中 放入一个怪异的想法。 我可以说, 「想象一只水母在图书馆跳华尔兹, 同时想着量子力学。」
now, if everything has gone relatively well in your life so far, you probably haven"t had that thought before.but now i"ve just made you think it, through language.
如果你的人生中目前为止 一切算是相对顺利, 你以前可能没有过那种想法。但现在我能让你们去想它, 透过语言办到。
now of course, there isn"t just one language in the world, there are about 7,000 languages spoken around the world. and all the languages differ from one another in all kinds of ways.
当然,世界上的语言不只一种, 全世界人类说的语言就有约七千种。 每种语言在各面向上都不同。
some languages have different sounds, they have different vocabularies, and they also have different structures -- very importantly, different structures. that begs the question: does the language we speak shape the way we think?
有些语言有不同的声音, 它们有不同的字汇, 它们还有不同的结构── 非常重要,不同的结构。 于是,我们会问: 我们所说的语言 是否会形塑我们的思考?
now, this is an ancient question.people have been speculating about this question forever. charlemagne, holy roman emperor, said, "to have a second language is to have a second soul" -- strong statement that language crafts reality.
这个问题历史悠久。长年来大家都一直在思索这个问题。 神圣罗马大帝查理曼说过: 「有第二种语言, 就象是有第二个灵魂」── 很有力的陈述, 说明了语言制造出现实。
but on the other hand, shakespeare has juliet say, "what"s in a name? a rose by any other name would smell as sweet." well, that suggests that maybe language doesn"t craft reality.
但,另一方面,莎士比亚 笔下的茱丽叶说: 「名字有什么用? 玫瑰不叫玫瑰,依然芳香如故。」 那意味着,语言不见得会制造现实。
these arguments have gone back and forth for thousands of years. but until recently, there hasn"t been any data to help us decide either way.
数千年来,这些论点一直你来我往。 但,直到最近之前,都没有任何资料 来协助我们决定是哪一种。
recently, in my lab and other labs around the world, we"ve started doing research, and now we have actual scientific data to weigh in on this question.
最近,在我的实验室和世界上其他的实验室, 我们开始做研究, 现在,我们有了真正的科学资料, 可以来探究这个问题。
so let me tell you about some of my favorite e_amples. i"ll start with an e_ample from an aboriginal community in australia that i had the chance to work with. these are the kuuk thaayorre people.
让我分享一些我最喜欢的例子。 我的第一个例子 来自澳洲的一个原住民部落, 我有机会和他们合作。 他们是库克萨优里族,
they live in pormpuraaw at the very west edge of cape york. what"s cool about kuuk thaayorre is, in kuuk thaayorre, they don"t use words like "left" and "right," and instead, everything is in cardinal directions: north, south, east and west.
他们住在波姆浦洛, 那是约克角半岛的西部边缘。 库克萨优里族很酷的一点是, 在库克萨优里语中,他们 不用「左」、「右」这些字, 一切都是用基本的方向: 北、南、东、西。
and when i say everything, i really mean everything. you would say something like, "oh, there"s an ant on your southwest leg." or, "move your cup to the north-northeast a little bit."
我说「一切」,真的就是指一切。 你可能会说这样的话: 「喔,在你的脚的 西南方有一只蚂蚁。」 或「把你的杯子向北北东移一点。」
in fact, the way that you say "hello" in kuuk thaayorre is you say, "which way are you going?" and the answer should be, "north-northeast in the far distance. how about you?"
事实上,在库克萨优里语中, 说「哈囉」的方式是: 「你要去哪个方向?」 而回应应该是: 「北北东的远方。 你呢?」
so imagine as you"re walking around your day, every person you greet, you have to report your heading direction.
所以,想象一下 你当天走到任何地方, 你问候每一个人时, 都得要报告你朝什么方向前进。
but that would actually get you oriented pretty fast, right? because you literally couldn"t get past "hello," if you didn"t know which way you were going. in fact, people who speak languages like this stay oriented really well.
但那会让你很快速确定方位,对吧? 因为如果不知道 你在朝什么方向前进, 你就说不出「哈囉」。 事实上,说这类语言的人, 都一直很有方向感。
they stay oriented better than we used to think humans could. we used to think that humans were worse than other creatures because of some biological e_cuse: "oh, we don"t have magnets in our beaks or in our scales."
他们的方向感比我们认为人类能办到的程度更好。 我们以前认为人类这方面比其他生物更糟,是因为某种生物借口: 「我们的鸟喙或鳞片里面 没有内建的磁铁。」
no; if your language and your culture trains you to do it, actually, you can do it. there are humans around the world who stay oriented really well.
不对;如果你的语言 和你的文化训练你去做, 你其实能办到。 世界上有些人类的方向感非常好。
and just to get us in agreement about how different this is from the way we do it, i want you all to close your eyes for a second and point southeast.
为了让大家能够了解 我们的做法上有多大的差异, 我想请大家闭上眼睛一下子, 请指出东南方。
keep your eyes closed. point. ok, so you can open your eyes. i see you guys pointing there, there, there, there, there ... i don"t know which way it is myself --you have not been a lot of help.
眼睛别张开。指出来。 好,可以张开眼睛了。 我看到大家指向那里、 那里、那里、那里… 我自己也不知道是哪一边---你们实在也没帮上忙。
so let"s just say the accuracy in this room was not very high. this is a big difference in cognitive ability across languages, right? where one group -- very distinguished group like you guys --
姑且就说在这间房间中的 正确率没有很高。 不同语言中的认知能力 差别很大,对吧? 一个族群──非常 卓越的族群,比如各位--
doesn"t know which way is which, but in another group, i could ask a five-year-old and they would know.there are also really big differences in how people think about time.
不知道哪边是哪个方向, 但到了另一个族群, 我去问五岁的小孩,他们也会知道。大家对于时间的思考方式也有很大的差异。
so here i have pictures of my grandfather at different ages. and if i ask an english speaker to organize time, they might lay it out this way, from left to right.
这里是我祖父的照片, 他在照片中的年龄都不同。 如果我请说英语的人 依据时间来整理, 他们可能会这样排列, 从左到右。
this has to do with writing direction. if you were a speaker of hebrew or arabic, you might do it going in the opposite direction, from right to left.
这与书写的方向有关。 如果你说希伯来语或阿拉伯语, 你可能会用反方向, 从右到左。
but how would the kuuk thaayorre, this aboriginal group i just told you about, do it? they don"t use words like "left" and "right." let me give you hint. when we sat people facing south, they organized time from left to right.
但库克萨优里族, 我刚刚和各位说的 原住民族群,会怎么做? 他们没有「左」和「右」这些字。让我提示各位。 当我们让他们面向南方时, 他们会把时间从左向右排。
when we sat them facing north, they organized time from right to left. when we sat them facing east, time came towards the body. what"s the pattern? east to west, right? so for them,
当我们让他们面向北方时, 他们会把时间从右向左排。 当我们让他们面向东方时, 时间的方向朝向他们的身体。 模式是什么? 由东向西,对吧? 所以,对他们而言,
time doesn"t actually get locked on the body at all, it gets locked on the landscape. so for me, if i"m facing this way, then time goes this way, and if i"m facing this way, then time goes this way. i"m facing this way, time goes this way --
时间完全不会被身体限制住, 时间是和地景绑在一起的。对我来说,当我面向这边, 时间就朝这个方向, 当我面向这边,时间就朝这个方向。 面向这边,时间就朝这个方向--
very egocentric of me to have the direction of time chase me around every time i turn my body. for the kuuk thaayorre, time is locked on the landscape. it"s a dramatically different way of thinking about time.
非常自我中心,每当我转身, 也让时间的方向跟着我转。 对库克萨优里族, 时间和地景绑在一起。 这是非常不同的时间思考方式。
here"s another really smart human trait. suppose i ask you how many penguins are there. well, i bet i know how you"d solve that problem if you solved it. you went, "one, two, three, four, five, si_, seven, eight."
还有个很聪明的人类技俩。 如果我问各位,这里有几只企鹅? 我打赌我知道各位是 如何解答这个问题的。 你会用:「一、二、三、 四、五、六、七、八。」
you counted them. you named each one with a number, and the last number you said was the number of penguins. this is a little trick that you"re taught to use as kids. you learn the number list and you learn how to apply it.
你用数的。 你给毎一只一个号码, 你说出的最后一个号码, 就是企鹅的数目。 这是个小计俩,你小时候 就有人教你用了。 你学到了数字表, 你学到了如何应用它。
a little linguistic trick. well, some languages don"t do this, because some languages don"t have e_act number words. they"re languages that don"t have a word like "seven" or a word like "eight."
小小的语言计俩。 有些语言并不会这样做, 因为有些语言并没有代表数字的字。 这些语言并没有像「七」这样的字, 也没有「八」。
in fact, people who speak these languages don"t count, and they have trouble keeping track of e_act quantities. so, for e_ample, if i ask you to match this number of penguins to the same number of ducks, you would be able to do that by counting.
事实上,说这些语言的人不会计数, 他们无法记得确实的「量」。 比如,如果我请各位 把刚才企鹅的数目 对应到同样数目的鸭子, 你可以靠计数的方式做到。
but folks who don"t have that linguistic trait can"t do that.languages also differ in how they divide up the color spectrum -- the visual world. some languages have lots of words for colors, some have only a couple words, "light" and "dark."
但语言没有这项特征的人就没办法。语言也有不同的方式来区别色谱── 视觉世界。 有些语言中有很多颜色的字, 有些语言只有几个字, 「亮」和「暗」。
and languages differ in where they put boundaries between colors. so, for e_ample, in english, there"s a world for blue that covers all of the colors that you can see on the screen, but in russian, there isn"t a single word.
不同语言也有不同的颜色界线。 比如,在英文中就有蓝色的世界, 包含荧幕上的所有这些颜色, 但在俄语中,就没有单一个字。
instead, russian speakers have to differentiate between light blue, "goluboy," and dark blue, "siniy." so russians have this lifetime of e_perience of, in language, distinguishing these two colors.
说俄语的人,得要去区别 浅蓝色「goluboy」, 和深蓝色「siniy」。 所以俄国人一生当中都会在语言上 把这两种颜色区别开来。
when we test people"s ability to perceptually discriminate these colors, what we find is that russian speakers are faster across this linguistic boundary. they"re faster to be able to tell the difference between a light and dark blue.
当我们测试大家在感知上 区别这些颜色的能力时, 我们发现,在各语言中,说俄语的人 会比较快做出区隔。 他们比较快就能辨别出浅蓝色 和深蓝色的差异。
and when you look at people"s brains as they"re looking at colors -- say you have colors shifting slowly from light to dark blue -- the brains of people who use different words for light and dark blue will give a surprised reaction as the colors shift from light to dark,
去观察正在看着颜色的人的大脑── 比如颜色缓慢地从 浅蓝色转换到深蓝色── 用不同的字来说浅蓝色 和深蓝色的人,他们的大脑 在颜色从浅蓝色转换到 深蓝色时,会有惊讶的反应,
as if, "ooh, something has categorically changed," whereas the brains of english speakers, for e_ample, that don"t make this categorical distinction, don"t give that surprise, because nothing is categorically changing.
就像:「喔,改变类别了。」 而,比如说英文的人,他们的大脑 就不会做类别的区分, 就不会有惊讶, 因为没有类别上的改变。
languages have all kinds of structural quirks. this is one of my favorites. lots of languages have grammatical gender; every noun gets assigned a gender, often masculine or feminine. and these genders differ across languages.
语言有各种结构上的变化。 这是我的最爱之一。 许多语言在文法上都有性别; 每个名词都有被指派一种性别, 通常是男性或女性。 在不同语言,这些性别也不同。
so, for e_ample, the sun is feminine in german but masculine in spanish, and the moon, the reverse. could this actually have any consequence for how people think?
比如,在德文,太阳是女性, 但在西班牙文则是男性, 月亮刚好相反。 这有没有可能影响人的思考方式?
do german speakers think of the sun as somehow more female-like, and the moon somehow more male-like? actually, it turns out that"s the case.
说德文的人是否会用比较女性的方式来想太阳? 比较男性的方式来想月亮? 结果发现,的确是如此。
so if you ask german and spanish speakers to, say, describe a bridge, like the one here -- "bridge" happens to be grammatically feminine in german, grammatically masculine in spanish --
比如,如果你请说德文的人和说西班牙文的人描述一座桥, 就像这里的桥--「桥」在德文文法中要用女性, 在西班牙文则要用男性--
german speakers are more likely to say bridges are "beautiful," "elegant" and stereotypically feminine words. whereas spanish speakers will be more likely to say they"re "strong" or "long," these masculine words.
说德文的人在形容桥时 比较会用「漂亮的」、「优雅的」, 或其他刻板印象上是形容女性的字。 而说西班牙文的人比较有可能会说 桥很「坚固」或「长」, 这些是男性用字。
languages also differ in how they describe events, right? you take an event like this, an accident. in english, it"s fine to say, "he broke the vase." in a language like spanish,
在描述事件时,不同语言 也很不一样,对吧? 比如像这样的事件,一个意外, 在英文,可以说「他打破了花瓶。」 在比如西班牙文,
you might be more likely to say, "the vase broke," or, "the vase broke itself." if it"s an accident, you wouldn"t say that someone did it. in english, quite weirdly, we can even say things like, "i broke my arm."
你比较有可能会说「花瓶破了」, 或「花瓶自己破了」。如果它是个意外, 就不会说是有人做的。 在英文,挺奇怪的, 我们甚至会说像这样的话: 「我弄断了我的手臂。」
now, in lots of languages, you couldn"t use that construction unless you are a lunatic and you went out looking to break your arm -- and you succeeded. if it was an accident, you would use a different construction.
在许多语言中, 你不会用那种句法结构, 除非你是疯子, 然后你跑出去想办法 把你的手臂弄断--且你成功了。 如果是意外,你就会 用不同的句法结构。
now, this has consequences. so, people who speak different languages will pay attention to different things, depending on what their language usually requires them to do.
这是会造成不同结果的。 说不同语言的人 会把注意力放在不同的地方, 就看他们说的语言需要他们怎么做。
so we show the same accident to english speakers and spanish speakers, english speakers will remember who did it, because english requires you to say, "he did it; he broke the vase."
如果我们让说英文的人和说西班牙文的人看到同样的意外,说英文的人会记得是谁做的, 因为英文要求你说: 「是他做的;他打破了花瓶。」
whereas spanish speakers might be less likely to remember who did it if it"s an accident, but they"re more likely to remember that it was an accident. they"re more likely to remember the intention.
而说西班牙文的人 比较不会记得是谁做的, 如果是意外的话, 但他们比较会记住这是一件意外。 他们比较会记住意图。
so, two people watch the same event, witness the same crime, but end up remembering different things about that event. this has implications, of course, for eyewitness testimony. it also has implications for blame and punishment.
所以,两个人看同样的事件, 目击同样的犯罪, 最后却会记得该事件中不同的细节。 当然,在目击证人证词方面, 这是值得深思的。 在责怪和惩罚时, 也应该想想这一点。
so if you take english speakers and i just show you someone breaking a vase, and i say, "he broke the vase," as opposed to "the vase broke," even though you can witness it yourself, you can watch the video,
如果是说英文的情况, 我刚让你看到有人打破了花瓶, 我说:「他打破了花瓶」 而不是说:「花瓶破了」, 即使你自己可以亲眼看见, 你可以看监视影片,
you can watch the crime against the vase, you will punish someone more, you will blame someone more if i just said, "he broke it," as opposed to, "it broke." the language guides our reasoning about events.
你可以看这件关于花瓶的罪行, 你会惩罚某个人多一些, 你会责怪他多一些, 若我说「他打破了它」, 而不是「它破了」。 语言会引导我们对于事件的推理。
now, i"ve given you a few e_amples of how language can profoundly shape the way we think, and it does so in a variety of ways. so language can have big effects, like we saw with space and time,
我已经举了几个例子, 说明语言如何能 深深形塑我们的思考方式, 而影响的方法有很多种。 所以,语言的影响可能很大, 就像刚才空间和时间的例子,
where people can lay out space and time in completely different coordinate frames from each other. language can also have really deep effects -- that"s what we saw with the case of number.
大家在排列空间和时间时, 用完全不同的坐标架构。 语言的影响也可能很深── 可参考计数的例子。
having count words in your language, having number words, opens up the whole world of mathematics. of course, if you don"t count, you can"t do algebra, you can"t do any of the things that would be required to build a room like this
在你的语言中有计数的字词, 有数字的字词, 就能打开整个数学的世界。 当然,如果你不会计数, 你不会做代数, 你就完全做不到象是建造这间房间这一类的事情,
or make this broadcast, right? this little trick of number words gives you a stepping stone into a whole cognitive realm.language can also have really early effects, what we saw in the case of color.
也无法做这场转播,对吧? 数字字词的小小计俩, 能给你一个垫脚石, 进入认知的国度。语言的影响也可能很早, 也就是颜色的例子。
these are really simple, basic, perceptual decisions. we make thousands of them all the time, and yet, language is getting in there and fussing even with these tiny little perceptual decisions that we make.
这些是很简单、基本、感知的决策。 我们随时都在做几千个这样的决策, 而语言也有介入其中, 去扰乱我们这些非常小的感知决策。
language can have really broad effects. so the case of grammatical gender may be a little silly, but at the same time, grammatical gender applies to all nouns.
语言的影响也可能很广。 文法性别的例子虽然可能有点可笑, 但同时,文法性别 是用在所有名词上的。
that means language can shape how you"re thinking about anything that can be named by a noun. that"s a lot of stuff.and finally,
那意味着,语言能形塑你如何思考 任何能用名词来命名的事物。 那数量很惊人。我最后举的例子,
i gave you an e_ample of how language can shape things that have personal weight to us -- ideas like blame and punishment or eyewitness memory. these are important things in our daily lives.
说明语言能形塑对我们 有个人意义的事物── 象是责怪及惩罚这类想法, 或是目击证词。 这些都是日常生活中的重要事物。
now, the beauty of linguistic diversity is that it reveals to us just how ingenious and how fle_ible the human mind is. human minds have invented not one cognitive universe, but 7,000 -- there are 7,000 languages spoken around the world.
语言多样性之美在于它能向我们揭示 人类心智是多么巧妙和有弹性。 人类心智发明出了不只一个 认知宇宙,而是七千个── 全世界的语言有七千种。
and we can create many more -- languages, of course, are living things, things that we can hone and change to suit our needs. the tragic thing is that we"re losing so much of this linguistic diversity all the time.
我们还能创造更多── 当然,语言是活的, 我们可以去磨它、改变它, 来符合我们的需求。 可惜之处在于,我们在不断失去语言的多样性,
we"re losing about one language a week, and by some estimates, half of the world"s languages will be gone in the ne_t hundred years.
我们大约一周会失去一种语言, 依据一些估计, 在接下来的一百年, 世界上的语言有一半会不见。
and the even worse news is that right now, almost everything we know about the human mind and human brain is based on studies of usually american english-speaking undergraduates at universities.
更糟的消息是,现在,几乎所有我们对于人类心智和人类大脑的知识都是来自于针对说英文的美国大学生 所做的研究。
that e_cludes almost all humans. right? so what we know about the human mind is actually incredibly narrow and biased, and our science has to do better.
那就几乎排除了所有人类,对吧? 所以我们对于人类心智的了解,其实是非常狭隘且有偏见的, 我们的科学得要做得更好才行。
i want to leave you with this final thought. i"ve told you about how speakers of different languages think differently, but of course, that"s not about how people elsewhere think. it"s about how you think.
最后,我想留下一点让各位思考。 我已经告诉各位,说不同语言的人 如何有不同的思考方式, 但重点并不是其他地方的人怎么想, 重点是你怎么想。
it"s how the language that you speak shapes the way that you think. and that gives you the opportunity to ask, "why do i think the way that i do?" "how could i think differently?"
重点是你说的语言 如何形塑出你的思考。 那就给了你一个机会,可以问: 「我为何会用我这种方式思考?」 「我要如何用不同方式思考?」
and also, "what thoughts do i wish to create?"thank you very much.
还有, 「我想要创造出怎样的想法?」非常谢谢。
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演说题目:what our language habits reveal
演说者:steven pinker
照片里的人是maurice druon l"academie francaise的荣誉终身秘书长—— 也就是法兰西学院 穿着价值六万八千美元的豪华制服 对法兰西学院来说倒很适合 因为它规范着 法语的正确用法 使这门语言永世长存法兰西学院有两个主要任务 它编纂官方的法语词典—— 他们目前在编第九部 从1930年就开始了,现在编到了p字头。他们还规范正确的用法 比如,电子邮件(email)在法语里的正确说法应该是"courriel" 他们告诉法国人,万维网(worldwide web) 应该被叫做 "la toile d"araignee modiale"——"环球蜘蛛网" 诸如此类法国人民欣然忽略的建议。
这是语言产生的众多模型之一: 也就是说,由一个学院来进行规范 但任何懂得语言的人都意识到 这是愚蠢的自负 语言产生于人类心灵间的互动而在语言的不停变化中,这是显而易见的 事实上,当法兰西学院完成他们的词典时 它早已经过时了。
我们看到 俗语和术语不断产生 历史上语言在变化 方言在分支 新的语言在形成 所以语言并不只是创造、塑造人性之物 同样是反映人性的窗口我正在写的一本书中 我希望能阐明 人性的一些方面 包括认知机能 人们靠这个把世界概念化 还有掌管人类互动的各类关系。今天早上,我将对它们逐一简要介绍。
让我从一个语言中的技术性问题开始 我研究这个问题已经有一段时间了 希望你们能包涵一下,包涵我对动词,和它们用法的热情 问题在于,哪个动词用于哪个构式?动词是句子的基座,其他部分都安在这个基座上。
让我提醒你们一下 这是你们早已忘记的东西。不及物动词,比如"用餐"(dine) 不能带有直接的宾语 你得说:"山姆用餐了(sam dined)",而不是"山姆用餐了比萨饼(sam dined the pizza." 一个及物动词要求 必须有宾语:"山姆吞吃比萨饼(sam devoured the pizza)"。你不能只是说"山姆吞吃(sam devoured)"。有许许多多这类的动词 每个都塑造着句子。所以在解释孩子们如何学习语言时候,有一个问题同样也是教成人学外语语法时的一个问题 以及给电脑编使用语言的程序时—— 在哪个构式里该用哪个动词?
比如,英语中的与格构式—— 可以说"givea muffin to a mouse",前置词与格,或者"give a mouse a muffin",双宾语与格,"promise anything to her","promise heranything",等等。上百的动词可以两用。对于孩子,很容易去做的一个归纳—— 对于大人和电脑来说也一样—— 就是任何可以在下面这个构式中出现的动词 "主语-动词-物体-to-a 接受者" 也可以表达成"主语-动词-接受者-东西"。这是很顺手的事因为语言是无穷的 对于你学过的句子不能只是鹦鹉学舌。你必须得做出归纳 这样你才能制造、理解新句子。这就是这样做的一个例子。
不幸的是,这方面有例外。你可以说,"biff drove the car tochicago"。但不是"biff drove chicago the car"。你可以说:"sal gave jason a headache",但"sal gave aheadache to jason"就很别扭了。原因是这些构式,尽管一开始相似 但并不是同义句。当你搬出显微镜 对准在人类认知上,你会看到很多微妙的差别存在于它们的意思里。所以"give the _ to the y"—— 这个构式对应的想法是: "cause _ to go to y",而"give the y the _" 对应的想法是"cause y to have _"。
许多时候我们都有理解偏差 类似于经典的"形象-背景"颠倒的幻术 你要么吧注意力放在 某个物体上 使周围的空间从注意力中退去要么你集中注意观察空间的构造 这样前景中的物体就从意识中退去 这些理解如何反应在语言当中? 在两种情况里,那个被解释为受影响的东西 被表达成了直接宾语: 动词之后的名词。当你想到"使蛋糕去某处"时 当你对蛋糕实施动作时 你说:"give the muffin to the mouse." 当你理解成"使老鼠拥有某物" 你对老鼠实施动作 所以你把它表达成:"give the mouse themuffin."
所以,在哪个构式里用哪个动词 我一开始提出的问题 取决于动词是否指出某种运动 或者某种所有权的变化 "给出某物"当中包含"使某物前往" 也包含"使某人拥有" 开车只能使某物走开因为芝加哥不是那种能拥有某物的东西。只有人才能拥有东西。"令人头痛"使人具有头痛但你并不会把头痛从手里给出去 让它到另一个人那里去 然后再放进对方脑袋里。你只可能是说话太大声,或者讨人厌 或者用其他的方法使对方头疼。所以 这是我工作内容的一个例子。
那为什么有人要在乎这工作呢? 这是因为有许多有趣的结论 从这个例子,还有类似的 对很多英语动词的分析中可以得出。首先,存在着一个精细的概念结构我们自动、无意识地计算产生它 每当我们想到或者说出一个主导我们对语言的使用的句子 你可以把它理解成"思想的语言",或者"思想语"。
它看上去是建立在一套固定的概念之上 这套概念管理着数十个构式和数千个动词 不仅仅是英文的,而是所有语言的 最基本概念,比如空间时间、因果以及人的意愿 比如,什么是手段,什么是目的? 这些跟康德所主张的,构成人类思想的基本框架的 那些范畴很相似 很有趣的是,我们对语言的无意识的使用 好像在折射着这些康德主义的范畴—— 不在乎感官的性质 比如颜色、材质、重量和速度 上述这些都几乎从不区分 动词在不同构式中的用法。
此外,英语中的所有构式 不仅仅有字面意义 还有准隐喻的用法。就拿与格来说,不仅用来转移事物,还用来比喻思想的转移,比如,"she told a story to me" 或者"toldme a story" "ma_ taught spanish to the student"或者"taught the students spanish." 这都是完全一样的构式 但里面没有蛋糕或者老鼠。完全没有运动。这使人想起语言交流中的"容器隐喻" 在这里面我们把想法理解成实物 句子就像容器语言交流就像快递 当我们说"gather"(收集)我们的想法,并""put" them "into" word"(把它们付诸语言) 如果我们说的话并不"empty"(空)或者"hollow"(空洞) 我们就可以把意思传达"过去"("across") 让一个能够"拆解"("unpack")我们的语言而提取"内涵"("content")
诸如此类的修辞法不是个例,而是广泛规则 想找到纯抽象的 而非实物隐喻的表达的例子难之又难 譬如说,你可以用动词"go" 以及介词"to"和"from" 来表达字面意思: "信使从巴黎去了伊斯坦布尔。"("the messenger went from paris to istanbul.") 你也可以说,"比夫从病中康复。("biff went from sick towell." ) 他哪里都没"去",而是可能一直呆在床上但是我们说话时仿佛他的健康状况是空间中的点 你给它一种动的概念 或者,"会从3点一直开到4点,"("the meeting went from three tofour,") 这里我们把时间想成分布在一条直线上 与此相似地,我们用力的概念来表示 不仅仅是物理的力 比如,"rose forced the door to open,"(罗斯用力把门打开) 也包括人际间的作用力比如,"rose forced sadie to go"(罗斯把萨蒂逼走了)——不一定要推推搡搡的 而是通过威胁—— 或者"rose forced sadie to go"(罗斯逼她自己离开) 仿佛罗斯的头脑里有两个东西 在进行拔河。
第二个结论是用不同方式 构思同一事件的能力 比如,"使某物到某人那里," 和"使某人拥有某物," 我认为这是人类思维的基本特点而且是人类论辩的基础 论辩中人们争议的一般不是事实 而是应该如何理解它们 这里是一些例子: 是"终止怀孕"还是"杀死胚胎" "一个细胞聚合的小球"还是"一个尚未出生的孩子" "侵略伊拉克"或是"解放伊拉克" "收入重新分配"抑或"没收财产" 而整个图景中最显著的一部分是要看到一点: 就是我们对抽象事件的描述 大多都是基于实体的隐喻 这反映出人类智能本身 是由一整套概念组成 比如物体、空间、时间,因果关系与意图—— 对我们这种群居的、知识密集型的种群非常有用 我们能想象人类的进化 和语言的隐喻抽象化过程齐轨并行 慢慢地这些概念里 原先的实际内容就淡化了空间、时间和力—— 而它们却被用在全新的抽象领域里 如此就使得我们这个原本是进化出来 和石头、工具与动物打交道的种群能够形成数学、物理、法律等等概念 涉足其他抽象的领域。
我曾说过我要谈谈人性的两扇窗户 我们用来概念化世界的知性机能 现在我要说说几种人际关系 它们支配着人类的社交活动 同样,这些都体现在语言里我要从间接话语行为这个谜题开始 我相信你们中大多数人都看过《冰血暴》(或译为法哥镇)这部电影 你们可能还记得其中的一段:一个警官要绑匪把车开到路边 叫他出示驾照 绑匪把钱包拿出来 有一张50美元的钞票 以一个小角度从钱包里伸出来 然后绑匪说,"我在想 或许在法哥镇这个鬼地方我们俩得共同保管这个"—— 每个人,包括观众都理解为含蓄地提出贿赂 这种间接表意在语言中泛滥 比如说在礼貌地提要求时 如果有人说,"如果你把鳄梨色拉酱递过来就太棒了" 我们太清楚他是什么意思了 尽管字面上表达出来是个 很别扭的概念。
"您愿意来看一下我的蚀刻版画吗?" 我想大多数人 理解这么说的意图 同样的,倘若有人说"呦,你的店真不错。要是发生了点什么事儿可就不好了"—— (笑) 我们知道这是个委婉的威胁 而不是在思考假设的可能性所以我们说的谜题就是:为什么贿赂 礼貌的要求、恳请、威胁经常要遮遮掩掩的? 没人是傻子 双方都知道谈话人说的是什么 谈话人也知道听者心里清楚 谈话人知道听者心里清楚,等等,等等所以这是在干嘛呢?
关键是在于语言 是磋商人际关系的一种途径 而人际关系分为许多种 人类学家alanfiske给出了一个关于影响力的分类法 其中人际关系可以被或多或少地归为 "公社性",它的作用原则是 "我的就是你的,你的就是我的"—— 家庭内部的一种心态,例如—— 统治心态,其原则就是"别惹我," 互惠心态:"你帮我挠背,我帮你挠背," 性心理:如cole porter的不朽名言所说,"来吧"
人际关系的类型是可以通过磋商决定的 尽管经常有某种默认情况 指定了上面心态中的一种 人际关类型可以被拉伸、调整 比如说"公社性" 在家庭和朋友们中最自然 但它可以被用来 把分享的心态转移给 平时并不习惯于分享的群体—— 例如帮派或者男生联谊会 女生联谊会,像"男人之家"这样的表达法 这样就让非亲非故的人们 能够采用一般都是 近亲之间才有的关系类型。
可是当一方采用某一种关系类型 而另一方用了另一种—— 搭配错误的时候就尴尬了假如你走过去随手就 从你老板的盘子里弄了一只虾吃 打个比方的话,这就是一个尴尬的情况 或者是餐后有一位客人 掏出钱包说要付钱给你 这也会相当尴尬 在不那么明显的例子中还是有一种磋商在进行着 比如说在工作场所 在员工是否能和老板套近乎这一点上 都有一点紧张不安 或者是称呼他或她 首名(而不是叫__先生或女士) 如果两个朋友 进行一笔交易,比如卖一辆车 大家都知道这可能是 紧张和尴尬的来源 比如约会中 从友谊到性关系的过度众所周知,可能导致各种各样的尴尬局面 工作场所的性也是 我们把两种关系类型—— 支配关系和性关系——间的冲突叫做"性骚扰"。
这个和语言有什么关系呢? 语言作为一种社会相互作用 必须满足两个条件 你得传达内容——这里我们又回到容器的隐喻 你想表达贿赂、命令、许诺的意思 恳请以及其他 但是你还得磋商 并保持 你和那个人的关系 我认为解决的答案是我们在两个层面上使用语言字面意思表达的是 与听者的最安全的关系 而引伸义 我们留给听者自己去领会的言外之意—— 则使他发掘出 这个语境中最恰当的解释而这有可能促成一种新的人际关系。
最简单的例子出自于礼貌的要求 倘若你用一个条件句表达请求: "您要是能开一下窗子就太好了," 尽管内容是祈使句 仅仅因为你没有用祈使语态 就显示出你并没有按照一种支配的人际关系行事 你并没有假设他人必须服从 可另一方面,你想要那个该死的鳄梨沙拉酱用一个"如果—那么"巨型,你把意思说清楚了却不会让人觉得你在指使他。
我认为这样挺微妙,效果也不错 种种含蓄的言行 保留了拒绝的可能: 贿赂、威胁、提议 恳请等等 有一种理解方式就是想象 当语言只能表达字面义你可以把它当作 博弈论中的得失矩阵来思考 把你放在 那个想贿赂警官的绑匪的位置上 全部的赌注 都压在这两种可能性上: 警官不老实或者他是老实人 假如你不贿赂他,你得吃罚单—— 或者,就像《冰风血》中的情况一样,那更糟 不管那个警官 到底老实不老实: 爱拼才会赢 这种情况下,后果很严重 换一方面,你要是掏出钱来如果警官吃贿赂,你全身而退,讨了个大巧 如果警官是老实人,你因为行贿 被逮起来 所以情况挺复杂的。
然而,你要是含沙射影地说 如果你含蓄地提出给钱 那么不老实的警官 可以把它理解为你要使银子 你就可以走了 而诚实的警官也不能硬说你贿赂他因此你领一张讨厌的罚单 不过你两种可能中都受益最大化了 我觉得同样的分析方法 可以用在可能出现尴尬的 提出性的要求的时候 以及其他的当保留拒绝可的能性对你有利的情况这就应证了 一个外交官们早已深谙的秘密—— 那就是:语言的模糊 根本不是什么故障或缺憾 而很可能是语言的特征 一个我们能在社交中善加利用的特征。
总而言之:语言是人类的集体发明 它折射出人性—— 我们如何用概念理解现实世界如何互相沟通交流—— 通过分析语言的许多微妙、繁复之处 我认为我们能向着人类的生存之道打开一扇窗户 谢谢大家。
《你的语言习惯暴露了什么》观后感
语言是一种力量;
语言是一种文明;
语言是一种道德;
而我心中的语言却是仇恨。
随着清晨的阳光,走在上学的路上,又是美好的一天,默默的计划着今天的任务。刚要走到教师时,就听到老班的声音,"完了,老班今天怎么这么早就来了?"深呼吸了一口,怀着紧张的心情走进了教室,叫了一声:"班主任早。"他并没有理睬我,而是板这张脸站在那儿,用他那雷达般的双眼巡视着地面。"我没说错话吧?"当我正在疑问时,"今天的值日生是谁,下个星期继续扫,扫到你们懂为之。"老班说道,还用脚踢了踢桌子,说道:"你们连桌子都不会摆,这几年白活了"在这一瞬间教师里鸦雀无声,每当听到老班这样的话语时,自己就会有一种冲动,想站起来大声反驳"我们没白活,我们会扫地,只是放地雷的人太多了,我们是学生,是来学习的不是来扫地的,我们总不能右手拿笔,左手拿扫把在上课吧?更何况地上的烟头也是你丢的呀!"但是这样的话却在我心里反反复复了n便,却没勇气说出来,谁让你是老师呢?
就这样清晨美好的心情被老班几句话语给无情的赶走了。
老班你有没有想过这样的语气会对中学生的我们带来怎样严重的后果呢?也许会加重我们的逆反心理,从此你在我们心中的形象就会被定格在那没有语言道德的那一栏上。老班你可曾想过我们的感受!
一句话能让一个心情低落的人高兴到极点,反之会让他接近死亡的边缘。
我真后悔当时没有勇气说出那番话,没有勇气站出来制止你的这种行为,可我只是一个平凡得不能再平凡的中学生了,没有勇气更没有能力去对抗这个糟糕的教育制度,因为从小我们的心灵就被深深的烙上了尊敬老师,不能顶撞老师的烙印。
而做为中学生的我也只能长叹一声,期望着自己能快点长大,将来做一个老师来改变这个糟糕的教育体制。
十年寒窗,只待今朝。
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