优秀的英语演讲稿模板（6篇范文）

优秀的英语教育演讲稿 模板1

阅读小贴士：模板1共计115个字，预计阅读时长1分钟。朗读需要1分钟，中速朗读1分钟，在庄重严肃场合朗读需要2分钟，有220位用户喜欢。

they dropped like flakes1, they dropped like stars,

like petals2 from a rose,

when suddenly across the june

a wind with fingers goes.

they perished in the seamless grass, --

no eye could find the place;

but god on his repealless list

can summon every face.

战场

他们雪片般落下，他们流星般落下，

象一朵玫瑰花的花瓣纷纷落下，

优秀的英语教育演讲稿 模板2

阅读小贴士：模板2共计326个字，预计阅读时长1分钟。朗读需要2分钟，中速朗读3分钟，在庄重严肃场合朗读需要3分钟，有212位用户喜欢。

英语1分钟演讲稿 (有趣的)关于学生上课睡觉的话题：sleep in class

you won"t be surprised to find many students sleep in class today, especially in the math class. when the class is over, we can see many people wake up all together.

many of them say that they actually don"t want to dream in class at all as it"s such a shameful thing to dribble when the teacher is solving an equation.

in fact, students always fall asleep unconsciously.

some of the students maybe go to bed late, but i think they could still stay active if the teacher chooses to interact rather than keep cramming only. now the schedule in our university is so tough that there"s always too much to learn in a single class. there"s no time to take a deep thinking, no chance to communicate, no need to take notes since there"re sides to download. then what to do in a 2-hour-class? listen to the teacher without thinking, students will soon begin daydreaming.

优秀的英语教育演讲稿 模板3

阅读小贴士：模板3共计595个字，预计阅读时长2分钟。朗读需要3分钟，中速朗读4分钟，在庄重严肃场合朗读需要6分钟，有269位用户喜欢。

we, having been living in one corner of the world for several decades, must ask ourselves what is the level of our national strength and our civilization. this is the final awakening of which i speak. to put it another way, if we open our eyes and take a hard look at the situation within our country and abroad, what place does our country and our people occupy, and what actions should we take?... our task today can be said to be the intense combat between the old and the modern currents of thought. those with shallow views all e_pect this to be our final awakening, without understanding how difficult it is to put [constitutional government] into practice... there is no difference between the shameful disgrace of submissiveneof men of ancient times hoping that sage rulers and wise ministers will practice benevolent government and present day men hoping that dignitaries and influential elders will build a constitutional republic. why should i reject the desires of dignitaries and influential elders, who are after all a part of the people, to build a constitutional republic? only because a constitutional republic cannot be conferred by the government, cannot be maintained by one party or one group, and certainly cannot be carried on the backs of a few dignitaries and influential elders. a constitutional republic which does not derive from the conscious realization and voluntary action of the majority of the people is a bogus republic and bogus constitutionalism. it is political window-dressing, in no way like the republican constitutionalism of the countries of europe and america, because there has been no change in the thought or the character of the majority of the people, and the majority of the people have no personal feeling of direct material interest.

优秀的英语教育演讲稿 模板4

阅读小贴士：模板4共计1541个字，预计阅读时长4分钟。朗读需要8分钟，中速朗读11分钟，在庄重严肃场合朗读需要15分钟，有199位用户喜欢。

认识jerry是在两年前，当时是去报导一场叫做"让英语不再是我们永远的痛"的演讲会，主讲人就是英语奇才jerry dai。说起来也许你不相信，原本是工作原因，想着拍个新闻照片就走人，而jerry在台上充满活力、激情四射的演讲在开场的10分钟就引起我极大的共鸣和兴趣。结果我不仅听完了整个演讲，在回家的路上竟然还满脑子想着一定要把自己的英语按照jerry的办法提高提高。

能将一场如何学好纯正英语的演讲变得如此生动精彩，想必这个80年代生的小伙子背后一定有很多自己的故事。当天在后台我就跟jerry说要作他的专访。可是惭愧啊惭愧，这采访一拖就是一年。今个暖冬的第一场大雪后，我们终于约定了采访时间，有机会认识了一个舞台下和教室外的jerry。

坐在对面的jerry虽然身着正装，带了副斯文的眼镜，却丝毫掩饰不了烁烁发光的眼神里透出的一种"新鲜气质"。怎么说呢，那是一种灵气。采访当然是用中文进行的（如果用英文估计我听懂的也就80%）。jerry的国语、英语、甚至连他自己一说都笑得不行的东北土话都说得相当"正宗"。这真是一个语言天才！我想。

我不是一个语言天才

"我其实不是一个语言天才。"jerry坐下来说的第一句话就把我的想法给否决了。

jerry来加拿大才六年多，年少成长的一大段日子都在中国，接受的是典型的中国式敎育。所学的英语大部分只是死记硬背的单词和应试技巧。到了这个陌生的国度，他自己讲的英语别人听不懂，而别人的话他也是一知半解，他感觉好像突然与外界有了隔阂。

尽管在出国前有着雄心壮志，jerry却因为不能与人沟通，浑身纵有使不完的力气也无济于事。于是，他下定决心苦攻英语。"语言根本不是靠天赋的！"jerry又说，"学英语的过程其实是一个自我挑战的艰辛历程。"

当初他并不知从何入手。为了练英语，他想方设法去找当地人聊天，试来试去结果是碰一鼻子灰。他总是先在脑子里用中文想好要说的话，再找到相应的英文单词，然后用所学的语法去套出要讲的英文句子。如此下来，说出去的句子结结巴巴，常常他还没说完，对方早把话抢了过去，语速飞快地又丢过来一大堆话。这样的话他当然听不明白，而"pardon"多了也不是办法，结果对方早已失去了交谈的兴趣，而他自己也信心尽失。

但他不是轻易放弃的人。jerry想，不如试试退回来"闭门造车"练英语。自从有了这种"顿悟"，他开始把自己当作一个牙牙学语的孩子，完全用耳朵去感受纯正的发音，去捕捉一个个单词的开音合音、唇音齿音，去熟悉一个个句子的抑扬顿挫。

jerry说，在开始的大半年里，他发痴似地寻找英语中每一个准确的发音部位，然后一遍遍地模仿。有时为了一个单词的准确发音，要练上一千多遍。他说，这真是个很痛苦的过程。

这期间，他做了很多旁人认为是"crazy"的事情，比如：刻意只看英文电视报纸，不交中国朋友，把电脑装成英文系统，甚至把自己关在房间里大声跟电视主持人练发音等。jerry说，这样做了一段时间的确有了成效，而不只有他可以做到这些事情，任何人都可以，但是有个前提条件，就是："only if you really want to!"

"有没有说你象cbc（加拿大出生的中国人）？"我忍不住问到。因为除了语言，jerry身上似乎还有着那种当地年轻人特有的随性和叛逆。"有，还有人说我更象abc（美国出生的中国人），大概是因为我的口音吧，也许还有身高，嘿嘿......"说到自己的口音，jerry的英语也可能是因为跟着练习发音的是美国电视频道，所以他的英语有美国口音。

我是很懒的一个人

"你想不到吧，我是一个被公认的懒人！而且我创造英语潜能学习法很大意义上还跟我的懒惰有关。"jerry眨眨眼说，"你想啊，我妈当初叫我坐在书桌边每天背单词，看语法书，没多久我恐怕就会被闷死。"捷径通常都是懒人发明的，虽然在琢磨如何创造这个捷径时可能会花加倍的力气，一旦找到了正确捷径，之后就省力了。

优秀的英语教育演讲稿 模板5

阅读小贴士：模板5共计4205个字，预计阅读时长11分钟。朗读需要22分钟，中速朗读29分钟，在庄重严肃场合朗读需要39分钟，有197位用户喜欢。

优秀的英语演讲稿

they must see americans as strange liberators. the vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence in 1954 -- in 1945 rather -- after a combined french and japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in china. they were led by ho chi minh. even though they quoted the american declaration of independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. instead, we decided to support france in its reconquest of her former colony. our government felt then that the vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. with that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by china -- for whom the vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. for the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.

for nine years following 1945 we denied the people of vietnam the right of independence. for nine years we vigorously supported the french in their abortive effort to recolonize vietnam. before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the french war costs. even before the french were defeated at dien bien phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. we encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.

after the french were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the geneva agreement. but instead there came the united states, determined that ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, premier diem. the peasants watched and cringed as diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their e_tortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the north. the peasants watched as all this was presided over by united states" influence and then by increasing numbers of united states troops who came to help quell the insurgency that diem"s methods had aroused. when diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.

the only change came from america, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. all the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow vietnamese, the real enemy. they move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. they know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.

so they go, primarily women and children and the aged. they watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. they must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. they wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from american firepower for one vietcong-inflicted injury. so far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. they wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. they see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. they see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.

what do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? what do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of europe? where are the roots of the independent vietnam we claim to be building? is it among these voiceless ones?

we have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. we have destroyed their land and their crops. we have cooperated in the crushing of the nation"s only noncommunist revolutionary political force, the unified buddhist church. we have supported the enemies of the peasants of saigon. we have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.

now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." the peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new vietnam on such grounds as these. could we blame them for such thoughts? we must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. these, too, are our brothers.

perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies. what of the national liberation front, that strangely anonymous group we call "vc" or "communists"? what must they think of the united states of america when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the south? what do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? how can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the north" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? how can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.

how do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? what must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? they ask how we can speak of free elections when the saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. and they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. they question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be e_cluded. their questions are frighteningly relevant. is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?

here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy"s point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. for from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.

so, too, with hanoi. in the north, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. to speak for them is to e_plain this lack of confidence in western words, and especially their distrust of american intentions now. in hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the japanese and the french, the men who sought membership in the french commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. it was they who led a second struggle against french domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at geneva. after 1954 they watched us conspire with diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought ho chi minh to power over a united vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again. when we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.

also, it must be clear that the leaders of hanoi considered the presence of american troops in support of the diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the geneva agreement concerning foreign troops. they remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the south until american forces had moved into the tens of thousands.

hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier north vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none e_isted when they had clearly been made. ho chi minh has watched as america has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of american plans for an invasion of the north. he knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than eight hundred, or rather, eight thousand miles away from its shores.

at this point i should make it clear that while i have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," i am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. for it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. we are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.

somehow this madness must cease. we must stop now. i speak as a child of god and brother to the suffering poor of vietnam. i speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. i speak for the poor of america who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in vietnam. i speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. i speak as one who loves america, to the leaders of our own nation: the great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.

this is the message of the great buddhist leaders of vietnam. recently one of them wrote these words, and i quote:

each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. the americans are forcing even their friends into becoming their enemies. it is curious that the americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat. the image of america will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militarism .

if we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in vietnam. if we do not stop our war against the people of vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. the world now demands a maturity of america that we may not be able to achieve. it demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the vietnamese people. the situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. in order to atone for our sins and errors in vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.

优秀的英语教育演讲稿 模板6

阅读小贴士：模板6共计392个字，预计阅读时长1分钟。朗读需要2分钟，中速朗读3分钟，在庄重严肃场合朗读需要4分钟，有256位用户喜欢。

优秀的英语演讲稿参考

good morning, everyone! my name is liu meng. i’m from class 7, grade 7. today, i’ll tell you something about the best way to learn foreign languages.

in schools boys and girls are learning foreign languages. english is one of the most important languages because so many people use it, not only in england and america, but also in other countries of the world. it is difficult to say how many people are learning it. millions of boys and girls at school are trying to do it.

which is the best way to learn a language? we know that we all learnt our own language well when we were children. if we learn a second language in the same way and it won’t be so difficult. how does a small child do? it listens to what people say, and he tries to guess what he hears. when he wants something, he has to ask for it. he is using the language, thinking in it and talking in it all the time. if people use a second language all the time, they will learn it quickly.

in school, you learn to read, to write, to hear and to speak. it is best to learn all new words through the ear. you can read them, spell them and write them later.

that’s all. thank you.